Our study investigates the influence oftechnology and its use on arranged marriage in India with the use of online matrimonial services. The study has several limitations in its present form. The nature of the research method creates limitations on replicability and generalizability of the study. As natives of the culture we were studying, we carried with us a tacit understanding of the social backdrop of our study. While the additional insight allows us to see subtle differences and
changes and a more nuanced understanding of the phenomenon, at the same time, it creates the potential for subjectivity and bias.
Study subjects were Indians residing in India and did not include Indians residing in other countries who represented a significant proportion of users of online matrimonial services. The immersive nature of field study in ethnography made it difficult to study this segment as they visited India only for short periods of time and it was difficult to talk to them and observe them in a natural setting. However, among the families we studied, several had considered potential partners who were non-resident Indians.
Our study was conducted primarily in Mumbai and Delhi, which are large metropolitan cities. Culture, social mores and traditions differ significantly across urban and rural India. As a result, the narrative cannot be considered as reflective of India in general but primarily urban families. However, it should be noted that a majority of users of online matrimonial services reside in larger cities.
In our attempt to focus on the use of online matrimonial services, we did not study families that arranged marriages using more traditional methods. A more insightful comparison and con
trast of the two different routes to arranged marriage would have helped to isolate the underlying changes driving the two processes.