To provide a quantifiable measure of the impact of the new politics of gender vio­lence on Russian society, I conducted a content analysis of the print media. The Soviet legacy of using the media as mechanisms of propaganda meant not only that Soviet citizens had the literacy to read newspapers and magazines, but that they […]

This appendix provides more detail on the measurements and methods used to quantify mobilization against gender violence in chapter 3 and media attention to gender violence in Russia in chapters 4 through 6. Women’s Mobilization against Gender Violence Measuring the extent of mobilization against gender violence in Russia is a dif­ficult endeavor. As Weldon (2002, […]

Documents that are in boldface have the status of international law.   KEY U. N. DOCUMENTS ON WOMEN’S RIGHTS (DATE ADOPTED)   REFERENCES TO VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN (VAW) OR GENDER VIOLENCE   RAPE   Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979) Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women […]

The findings of this study lead to the following recommendations for those activ­ists and scholars committed to the ideas of global feminism: Global feminists should stay involved. It is understandable that some Western feminists would prefer to keep their hands clean by not involving themselves with interventions from strong states or even international development agencies. […]

In terms of theory, this study demonstrates the analytical power of a global-local structural framework (see table 1.1). These chapters demonstrate that, following the emergence of the global feminist consensus, it is not correct to assume that gender politics is only a domestic process. Russia is a country more sovereign than most and thus not […]

A brief comparative analysis of other similar interventions on the issue of domes­tic violence in formerly communist countries in East and Central Europe and the former Soviet Union highlights how and why funding of gender violence ac­tivism worked in Russia. Most states in the region had experienced some inter­vention, and by 2006, most had passed […]

The book’s argument also rests on an assumption that the issues of sexual assault, domestic violence, and trafficking in women have similar enough politics that the differences are not causally important. Perhaps they are different. Perhaps women who have been battered make more appealing claimants to donors and human rights advocates than victims of sexual […]

The achievements of global feminist alliances with donors and the Russian women’s crisis center movement stand in clearer relief when contrasted with the United States. In the mid-1990s, a common refrain of the Russian activists was that Russia was some twenty to thirty years behind the United States in terms of activism, awareness, and policy […]

The new global feminist consensus on violence against women suggests three general objectives for intervention upon which to assess interventions’ success. On the first objective, the mobilization of local activism, the Russian case shows the weakness of the least intrusive form of intervention, transnational feminist networking. Despite activists’ hopes and scholars’ assertions, the impact of […]

O VER the last two decades, strong states, intergovernmental agen­cies, and large donors have increasingly justified their interventions as helping women. Their claims are given legitimacy by a new consensus among international women’s activists and human rights advocates that women’s rights are human rights. Central to this global feminist consensus are new claims that gender-based […]