Mate Selection
Recent theorizing and research, particularly among evolutionary psychologists, has focused a great deal on mate selection (i. e., on the features that most influence men and women in their choice of sexual partners and marriage partners).
Much of social psychologists’ research on mate selection preferences has been conducted in the laboratory using samples of college students. One exception is a study by Sprecher, Sullivan, and Hatfield (1994), which used data from a well-sampled survey, the National Survey of Families and Households. Among the questions on the survey was a set of items listing 12 possible assets or liabilities in a marriage partner; respondents were asked to indicate their willingness to marry someone possessing each of the traits. All respondents were age 35 or younger and were never married. Sprecher et al.’s findings were quite similar to those of studies using more limited samples. Specifically, they found that men rated physical attractiveness and youth as more important in a partner, whereas women gave higher ratings to earning potential.
In general, this pattern of gender differences in characteristics considered important in mate selection was consistent for Whites and for Blacks. There was one exception, however, for the item “not likely to hold a steady job.” White men were more willing than Black men to marry a woman who did not have a steady job. Both Black and White women were less willing to marry a man who did not hold a steady job, but Black women were somewhat more willing than White women. It seems likely that this reflects the realities of unemployment for Black men.
As noted earlier, this is precisely the pattern of gender differences in
mate preferences that one would predict based on theories in evolutionary psychology. It also is the pattern one would predict based on sociocultural factors (Howard, Blumstein, & Schwartz, 1987; Sprecher et al., 1994). Given the gender gap in wages—women in the United States currently earn only 75 cents for every dollar men earn (U. S. Department of Labor, 1993)—it is not surprising that women look for a spouse who is a steady earner. The emphasis on men’s earning potential also is consistent with the importance of the good provider role for men (Bernard, 1981; Pleck, 1981). In addition, cultural norms dictate romantic pairings of young women with older men, but never of young men with older women.
Howard, Blumstein, and Schwartz (1987) noted another limitation in past research on gender differences in mate preferences: The research has assumed heterosexual pairings. Howard et al. investigated whether the typical patterns of mate preference also would be found among gay and lesbian couples, based on a nonrandom, volunteer sample of 4,314 heterosexual married and cohabiting couples, 969 gay male couples, and 788 lesbian couples. Theoretical predictions were made difficult because, on the one hand, evolutionary psychologists may argue that females have been selected for certain patterns of mate preferences, regardless of sexual orientation. On the other hand, because same-gender pairings have no reproductive intent or outcome, evolutionary selection may be irrelevant, and therefore the typical patterns of mate preference would not be found among gays and lesbians.
The pattern of results was quite similar to previous research. Specifically, men (whether heterosexual or homosexual) rated attractiveness of a partner as more important in mate selection than did women (whether heterosexual or homosexual) (Howard et al., 1987). Women (regardless of sexual orientation) rated ambitiousness in a mate as more important than did men (regardless of sexual orientation); however, the gap between heterosexual men and women was larger and the gap between lesbians and gay men was smaller. In general, sexual orientation did not have substantial effects on partner preferences.