By 2005, the national government was supporting some twenty-two women’s crisis centers (Zabelina et al. 2007, 21, 103), but prospects were bleak for most autonomous women’s crisis centers, especially those committed to comprehensive feminist goals (see Hemment 2007). By year’s end, some eighteen had closed (Open Society Institute 2007, 32). One movement leader acknowledged that since “crisis centers survive only on the springs of foreign donors,” this was a “new stage [in the women’s crisis center movement] in which only the strongest organizations survive.” 53 Other than antitrafficking funding, there were few, unpromising survival tactics, which I illustrate through brief case studies of three movement organizations in disparate regions.