counter-offensive that reached the headlines of the international press.[61] The same is happening in Casamance. These campaigns are generally perceived as part of imperialistic strategies counteracting local culture and women, in particular, suspect the campaigns of being attempts to abolish the secret societies. In contrast to Western belief, excision in the context of secret societies forms the foundation of a certain power base, especially for older women. The Jola perceive imperialism in two ways; on the one hand it is power felt to be exercised by the Western world and the toubabs (‘the whites’) over Africa, and on the other, and more directly, it is the power felt to be exercised by the Senegalese state over Casamance. Since Senegal’s independence in 1960, the separatist movement has grown strong in Casamance. The political situation that often pits Casamance against the rest of Senegal has contributed to a social and political process of creating and strengthening a common Jola ethnic identity (Mark 1992). The female circumcision ritual seems to be gaining a particular role in this process. In the last ten years, many men have joined the Senegalese government’s action against excision[62] on the grounds that female circumcision is neither a Muslim nor a Jola custom and that it ruins women’s health, sexuality, and fecundity. Women, on the other hand, especially married ones, fight against their fathers, brothers, and husbands for what they perceive as their right to be excised and initiated (Dellenborg 2000).