Before I describe the data that I rely on it is important to make a comment on methodological issues associated with the measurement of ‘unmet need’. I have used surveys to assess reproductive processes in my own work, however, because of my experiences with surveys, I find it important that careful consideration be given to […]

husbands ‘too soon’ after the birth of a baby were teased as feeling insecure in their marriages—i. e. they were afraid that their husbands would take another wife during their period of abstinence. Older females were the ones mainly responsible for en­suring that this sort of ‘family planning’ was practised. They would offer advice about […]

It is not possible to provide a summary of ‘traditional’ norms regarding childbear­ing here; however, since fertility issues are central to an understanding of conjugal relations and reproductive behaviour in Ghana I will point to some issues of general significance.[91] Women generally looked to marriage for children, economic support, and sexual satisfaction within a respected […]

not have a joint ‘unmet need’ because they have discrepant preferences (Dodoo et al. 1977).[90] It would seem obvious that individuals’ and couples’ decision making about whether to have a child, and when, may be influenced, at least in part, by the gen­der-power relations that pertain. Yet, while the sociological and anthropological literature on marriage […]

As pointed out, the DHS indicate that women in Africa want to have fewer chil­dren than they are having, or would have preferred to increase the space between their children. Despite these desires, after two decades of the promotion of family planning programs on the continent, contraceptive use generally remains low and hence women’s ‘unmet […]

bearing are more knowledgeable about their past (and future) fertility behaviour than their male partners (Blood and Wolfe 1960).[84] Furthermore, since the woman is the child-bearer, her attitudes about proscriptive fertility-related events were felt to be more logical predictors of future behaviour (Mott and Mott 1985). The model implicitly assumes that women generally take decisions […]

Traditionally ‘unmet need’ was defined on the basis of women’s responses to par­ticular survey questions.[83] If a woman reports in a survey that she does not want to have any more children, or wants to postpone the birth of her next child, and is neither breastfeeding nor pregnant, but is not using any form of […]

ready market for contraceptives.[79] The basis of this conceptualisation was the fact that women interviewed in the DHS indicated, in response to standard questions on fertility preferences, that they had ‘unwanted’, ‘unplanned’ or ‘mistimed’ births. The standard formulation of ‘unmet need’ includes all fecund (not preg­nant or amenorrhoeic)[80] women who are currently married or living […]

Akosua Adomako Ampofo “By God’s grace I had a boy”. Introduction Since the 1960s, when it became evident that the Third World,[76] Sub-Saharan Af­rica particularly, was undergoing a population transition different from the ‘over­developed’[77] Western world, there has been a sustained interest in population growth and later fertility trends in the sub-region (Easterlin 1975). However, […]

A BBC documentary was made about the Rakai research. The documentary was reviewed in the British Medical Journal in the following way: [The TV-programme] turned out to be a first-rate virological detective story. [.. .]An impressive array of witnesses—doctors, scientists, anthropologists—were lined up to present the evidence, which seemed to suggest overwhelmingly that having a […]