As the Internet became all pervasive, the terrain and politics of LGBT women’s cultures shifted. Kamira (Carmilla; 2001-5), and Internet sites such as Bravissma (Bravissima; 1998-), Tokyo Wrestling (2006-), and Novia Novia Magazine (2010-) began to replace the more traditional print media such as mini-komi and magazines. Nomenclature for film festivals and pride marches held throughout the archipelago took on terms such as kuia (Kansai Queer Film Festival (2005-) and Ajian Kuia Eigasai (Asian Queer Film Festival) (2007-). LGBT was also claimed as an inclusive moniker: Aomori Intanashonam LGBTFirumu Fesutibaru (Aomori International LGBT Film Festival) (2006—). The Nagoya Gay Revolution (2001—) was renamed Nagoya Lesbian and Gay Revolution (English title) in 2002, and Nagoya Lesbian and Gay Revolution purasu (written as ‘NLGR+’) in 2011. The rainbow metaphor also gained in popularity as a community term. For example, the Rezu/bi/gei Puraido Mdchi Sapporo (Les/Bi/Gay Pride March Sapporo; 1994—) was renamed the Sapporo Reinbo Mdchi (Sapporo Rainbow March).
The diversification of community goals, relationships and collaborations is also reflected in the diversification of media. When Anise re-emerged in 2001, the covers were no longer decorated with Takashima Rica’s manga illustrations, but with colour photos of women embracing and/or kissing. Inoue Meimy began publishing the commercial lesbian porn magazine Kamira (Carmilla; 2001—5). As she notes in an interview (Inoue, Welker, and Suganuma 2006), the once mandatory personal advertisement columns in magazines have been superseded by Internet sites (for example, Bravissma 1998—). The Internet and social media (first mixi, and later Twitter) have provided new avenues for community networking and collaboration.
At the same time as lesbian/bisexual magazines witnessed a revival, there was a noticeable backlash being played out in the political sphere. The Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society was enacted in 1999, outlining the aim of creating a ‘gender-equal society’ (Gender Equality Bureau 1999). Following on from this, there was a backlash against ‘gender equality’ guidelines and in particular the term ‘jenda furl’ (gender free). This term was mobilised by feminists to encapsulate the notion of a society free of gender inequality. Conservatives, however, charged that ‘gender-free’ education would signal the end to masculinity and femininity, and result in the demise of family and nation (Kano 2011: 41—62). Backlash discourse was overtly anti-feminist, and there was also a queer-phobic undercurrent to the mainstream feminist response. Queer activists and academics rallied to critique the heterosexist rhetoric in backlash discourse, as well as in mainstream feminist responses to the backlash (Maree 2008: 35—45; Kazama 2008: 23—33; Shimizu 2007: 503—5). The Japan Association for Queer Studies, founded in 2007, has also been proactive in further developing and sustaining this critique through an annual conference and journal, Ronsoo Kuia (Collected Queer Essays; The Japan Association for Queer Studies 2007-).
The 2000s also saw the first openly lesbian and transgendered politicians active at the local and municipal levels. In 1993, Kamikawa Aya, an openly transgendered woman active in transgender activism as part of Trans-net Japan (Kamikawa 2007; Harima et al. 2007; Oe, Torai and Kamikawa 2011), was elected to Tokyo’s Setagaya ward. Kamikawa’s official homepage contains details of her activism and work in the Setagaya Ward (Kamikawa 2006). The same year, Otsuji Kanako was elected to the Osaka Prefectural Assembly. Otsuji published Kamingu Auto (Coming Out) in 2005, and became known as the first openly lesbian Japanese politician. On completion of her term with the prefectural assembly Otsuji was unsuccessful in her bid for a seat in the national elections as a Democratic Party of Japan candidate.