The 1990s is often referred to as the ‘gay boom’ period of contemporary Japanese culture. Sparked by the publication of a ‘Gay Renaissance’ issue of glossy women’s magazine CREA in December 1991, lesbian culture was also central in the form of writing, activism and cultural production (Gei runessannsu 1991). The publishing boom was prefigured by the publication in 1987 of Onna o ai suru onnatachi no monogatari (Stories of women who love women; Bessatsu Takarajima 1987) which had a tremendous impact on women all over Japan.
Kakefuda Hiroko’s abovementioned book ‘Rezubian de aru’ to iu koto (On ‘being lesbian’) discussed in detail the difficulties of being lesbian in Japan and also articulated how the silencing of lesbian experience is masked with the rhetoric of ‘tolerance’ which complicates the enunciation of female sexuality outside of the heterosexist patriarchal family system (Kakefuda 1992: 104-19). This notion of tolerance, however, often glosses over hegemonic heterosexuality which is most often enforced through discourses of the family legitimised by the family register system (koseki seido). Under this system legally married parents and children (including adoptees) are registered as a family unit and therein constitute one of the most fundamental groupings in the eyes of local and national government (see also Shigematsu in this volume). Izumo Marou’s Manaita no ue no koi (Love upon the chopping board; Izumo 1993) delves into the hurdles faced by lesbian-identified women, and by the same-sex-partners of Japanese and non-Japanese nationals who have no access to marriage but who seek to continue a partnership in Japan (see also Izumo and Maree 2000). This focus on partnership rights was picked up by the mainstream media (Patrick 1997: 66—67; Hosogai 1997: 106—9) and community forums alike, and continues to be a salient issue for many activists today.
The 1990s also signalled the beginning of a vibrant women’s club scene. Monthly events were organised in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Himiko was held monthly in a gay men’s bar in Shinjuku ni-chome from 1987 and Alis was a monthly dance party organised privately and held in a basement dance studio on the fringes of Shinjuku ni-chome from 1990 to 1992. A major catalyst for the new wave club culture was a series of events organised by Chig-ar (also known as Chigalliano). Inspired by women-only clubs in London, Chigar aimed to organise and provide an edgy and exciting space for Tokyo women. Chigar has been influential in the women’s club movement, and is known for producing the Japanese version of Out Magazine, OUT in Japan (1996—98), and fostering relations between commercial sponsors. Mona Lisa acted as the impetus for other ventures such as Salon Positive (1992—98). From the mid-1990s a series of clubs have opened and closed across major cities in Japan.
Chigar (Chigalliano) is very clear in her representation of her club events as ‘women-only’, rather than ‘lesbian-only’. In an interview with writer Izumo Marou she distances her clubs from the pervasive pornographic image of the rezu (lezzie/lezzo) (Chigar and Izumo 1997: 111). Defining the club space as not ‘lesbian-only’ but ‘women-only’ is a response to: first, the image of the ‘lesbian’ as pornographic fodder for (heterosexual) male fantasy; and second, to the demarcation between spaces for straight women and lesbians.
The club scene is important not only for providing venues for women, but also for fostering performance art, and links with the gay men’s, drag, and fetish scenes. Although collaboration between gay men and lesbian-identified women can be traced further back — for example, in the activist work campaigning against the AIDS Prevention Act in the late 1980s (see Iino 2008) — the 1990s emerges as an era of Lesbian and Gay, and then increasingly LGBT culture and politics. The inaugural Tokyo International Lesbian and Gay Film Festival (hereafter TLGFF; 1991—; Tokyo Rezubian and Gei Eiga-sai Jimukyoku 1999, 2012) and the first Tokyo Lesbian and Gay Parade (1994—97) were landmark events where women played a fundamental organisational role (see also Suganuma in this volume). Lesbian and bisexual women’s communities collaborated through groups such as Women’s bi-net (1994—97), in the community space for lesbian and bisexual women LOUD (Lesbians of Undeniable Drive 2012; June, 1995—), and in the OLP (Open Lesbian Project; 1994—).
The celebration of LGBT pride was a large part of 1990s activism and community building. The first Lesbian and Gay Parade held in Tokyo (1994), was fronted by a huge banner reading ‘Come Out’. As with the early lesbian feminist and 1980s lesbian groups, differing political aims and opinions caused a splintering of groups and the cessation of the pride marches. The pride parade movement in Tokyo is one example where there has been recurrent stopping and starting, with changes in organisations, members, functions, aims and political purpose. Despite their disparate motivations, the Tokyo Lesbian and Gay Parade (1994—97), Tokyo Pride Parade (2000-2002, 2005-7, 2010), and Tokyo Rainbow Parade (2011 —) (Izumo and Maree 2000; Maree 1997; Suganuma, 2006) formed part of the wider community building and visibility of queer women that was evident at this time. Sasano Michiru (lead singer for pop band Shonen Knife until it disbanded in 1991), for example, published her autobiography Coming Out (Sasano 1995a) in the early period of 1990s LGBT activism (see also Sasano 1995b).
Although the period of high economic growth officially ended in Japan at the end of the 1980s, the 1990s was a time of increased commercial activity for queer women. Print magazines
Funne (Phryne Network 1995) and Anlsu (Anise, 1996-97, 2001-3) enjoyed success as the first commercial lesbian magazines. Kitahara Minori began her women’s sex-toy shop, Love Piece Club, in 1996 (Love Piece Club 2012; Dales 2008); the Pink Pop Shop operated in Shibuya around 1995; and Sabai, a shop that also provided rented space, operated around 1992.
Queer visual culture and cinema also emerged during this period with the impetus of the TLGFF competitions and international collaborations, which gave women an opportunity to display their work. Desiree Lim’s early independent films Closets are for Clothes (1995), Dyke? Just Be It! (1999), and the longer production Sugar Sweet (2001) premiered at the TILGFF. Produced and shot in Tokyo and Kyoto in the mid-nineties, Shu Lea Cheang’s (director of sci-fi porn film I. K.U. in 2000) short films Finger and Kisses (1995b) and Coming Home (1995a) explored both political and erotic themes. The TLGFF awards provided a forum for emerging women film artists to develop and screen their works. In 1998 TILGFF held a special session showing short independent films by women (Lim 1995; T-Sue 1997; Collins 1996; Montage 1996; Uchida 1997; Tajiri 1995; Sasakawa 1996).
Local creative talent was also supported in the early 1990s mini-komi, and subsequently in queer women’s commercial magazines. Each edition of Funne (Phryne) and Anlsu (Anise) featured lesbian manga, short stories and essays by activists and community figures. Amamiya Sae’s Purica-chan (Plica-chan) — which also appears on the Love Piece Club website (Amamiya 2004-7) and was released in cinematic version in 2006 — and Takashima Rica’s Rika tte kanji (Like, Ricca; Takashima 1995; 1996; 2003) became well-loved features. Interviews with well-known authors were a recurring element of these publications. They interviewed such novelists as Matsuura Rieko, whose works include Nachuraru Uman (Natural Woman; 1987) and Oyayubi P no shugyo jidai (The Aprenticeship of Big Toe P; 1993, 2009), Saito Ayako, whose works include Rub — furutsu (Ruby Fruits; 1992) and Nakayama Kaho, whose works include Nekoze no oji (The Stooped Prince; 1993) and Tenshi no hone (Angel Bones; 1995). Lesbian feminists were thus engaged in producing new forms of lesbian culture. At the same time, they pursued the history of women who loved women in early twentieth-century Japan.